Jury trials have recently
become national public spectacles. The trials of Jody Arias for killing her
boyfriend, of former Patriots football player Aaron Hernandez
for killing an acquaintance, of wealthy real estate developer Robert Durst
for a second murder after he escaped judgment in the first, are just some of
the spectacular court cases currently being covered by national media.
It wasn’t always that way.
The media circus
around the trial of O.J. Simpson for murdering his ex-wife Nicole Simpson and
Ronald Goldman was still unusual in 1995. O.J. was already a national spectacle
himself, but newspaper and TV coverage was unprecedented. The L.A. Times put
the trial on its front page every day for a year, and network news devoted more
time to it than to the Oklahoma City bombing and the Bosnian War combined.
That wasn’t the first trial
with national coverage. The trial
of John Scopes in 1925 for violating
Tennessee’s ban on teaching evolution in public schools attracted reporters
from all over the country to tiny Dayton, Tennessee, and the proceedings were
reported every day on the radio. That trial concerned an issue of national
significance, whose outcome could influence people’s lives across the US.
Although there were jury
trials, sometimes with enormous
numbers of jurors, in ancient Greece and Rome, juries gained constitutional
force as a democratic practice in the Magna Carta of 1215. Article
39 says, “No free man shall be
captured, and or imprisoned, . . . or be outlawed, or exiled, or in any way
destroyed, . . . but by the lawful judgment of his peers, and or by the law of
the land.” Its mirror image was the Star Chamber, a court of the ruler’s men,
or the ruler himself.
Our founders
attached great importance to jury trials as integral to a free democratic
system. In Thomas Jefferson’s Declaration of Independence, among the charges made against the King of England
was “depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury”. The Sixth Amendment
to the Constitution guarantees “In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall
enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the state
and district wherein the crime shall have been committed”.
Jury trials for nearly all of
their history have been private and local. Jurors knew each other, they knew
the accused and accusers, they knew the lawyers and the judge. No juror had to
worry that millions of people were observing the case, that TV commentators
were picking sides and making accusations of their own, that reporters were following them
as they left the courthouse. Nor were publishers and agents waiting for the
verdict with big bonuses for telling all. Deliberating jurors could hear each
other better without all that noise outside. They could make up their own
minds. I think that was good for justice.
Sometimes a whole community
believes so strongly in justice that they act through a jury to defy their
rulers. That was the case in Russia when Mikhail Beilis was falsely accused
of Jewish ritual murder in a 1913 trial in Kiev. Despite dishonest prosecutors,
fabricated evidence, lying witnesses, an antisemitic judge and government
pressure reaching to the Tsar himself, the jury acquitted Beilis.
Sometimes a society is
committed to systematic injustice and uses jury trials to enforce inequality.
Racially skewed verdicts were normal in the US, not just in the South, for most
of our history. Harper Lee, who happens to be in the news these days for her
decision to publish a second novel written long ago, became famous with “To Kill a Mockingbird” about a white jury trial in Alabama of an innocent
black man that ends in his death, based on a real case from 1936. By the time
that novel was published to acclaim in 1960, and a film version won the Oscar
in 1962, jury trials in America were at the tipping point when the racial
injustice of the whole legal system could no longer be ignored.
The level of justice provided
by jury trials may ebb and flow. The gradual retreat of racial and ethnic
prejudice from distorting verdicts is accompanied by the increase of outside
intrusion, seeking the thrills of snap judgment, but rarely justice.
Who knows what social
transformation will affect the future of jury trials? They’ll still be better
than any alternative. Every dictatorship destroys trial by jury for cases which
threaten its power. When a jury failed to convict most of the accused of setting the fire that burned the German
Reichstag in 1933, Hitler created a new court system, the Volksgerichtshof, where the Nazi judge acted as jury for all political offenses. Jury
trials were abolished in the Soviet Union, reinstituted in 1993 after the
Communists were overthrown, and then limited again by Vladimir Putin, as he gradually dismantled elements of Russian democracy.
Juries are just part of the
trial system and share the flaws of the larger society. The ability of the rich
to buy better verdicts through extensive and expensive use of every
complication of our legal system is no secret. Even juries’ fairest collective
judgments cannot make up for unequal policing or for the increasing pressures of plea bargaining.
Jury duty may seem like an
inconvenient burden, although most employers offer paid leave
for jury service. We are lucky to live in a society where our guilt or
innocence is judged by free women and men. But if we want to be tried by a
well-functioning jury of our peers, we must be willing to serve.
Steve Hochstadt
Jacksonville IL
Published in the Jacksonville
Journal-Courier, April 14, 2015
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