In schools across the
country, students are taught about American democracy. Phrases like “separation
of powers” accompany charts showing how ultimate power in our country rests
with “the people”. It’s a wonderful system.
But democracy is a theory.
Here’s how things really work.
In every city in the US,
storefront businesses offer “Same Day Cash” or “Easy Credit”. The so-called payday loan industry makes millions of short-term loans every year. The typical cost for a
payday loan is 15% for a two-week loan, an annual rate of 390%. In Illinois,
most borrowers of payday loans with a term of 6 months have an annual income of
less than $30,000. The average amount borrowed was $614, but the total fees
were $640, meaning a yearly rate of 234%. A similar type of loan is called a title loan,
in which the borrower offers title to a car as security: if the loan is not
paid back, the company confiscates the car. These loans typically carry about 300%
interest.
The results are predictable,
as shown in a report
earlier this month about 12 million loans across the US. Only 15% of borrowers
were able to repay their loan without borrowing again. Most payday borrowers
ended up paying more in fees than the original loan amount.
In 2010, Congress passed the Dodd–Frank
Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act. That was a political response
to the financial crisis caused by the reckless behavior of banks and other
financial institutions. An important provision of the Dodd-Frank bill was to
empower a new Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) to oversee payday
lenders by enforcing new consumer protection rules. In the House, 92% of Democrats voted for the bill and 98% of
Republicans voted against it. In the Senate, one
Democrat voted against the bill because he thought it wasn’t strong enough, and
only 3 Republicans voted for it.
Senate Republicans then
mounted an effort to prevent the newly created CFPB from
ever functioning: they vowed not to confirm any nominee to head the Bureau.
Richard Cordray was not confirmed as director until 2013.
The CFPB gave the Attorneys
General of the 50 states powers to regulate payday lenders. In Utah, Republican
John Swallow,
chief deputy to the Attorney General, decided to run for that office when his
boss retired. Swallow had once been a lobbyist for Check City, a giant payday
lender. Swallow wrote an email to payday executives, saying, “This industry
will be a focus of the CFPB unless a group of AG’s goes to bat for the
industry.” Now he mounted a campaign funded with hundreds of thousands of
dollars from Check City and other payday lenders. But that money was hidden
behind a series of political action committees and “non-profit” corporations.
Republican power brokers in Utah helped Swallow raise these funds and
camouflage their purposes.
Not all Republicans lined up
behind the payday industry. Three Republican Senators had voted for Dodd-Frank.
In Utah, a
state legislator had supported legislation barring payday lenders from making
loans to people who already had big debts. Swallow’s opponent for Attorney
General also wanted to crack down on the payday lending industry. The
organizations that funneled money into Swallow’s campaign used negative
advertising against both of them. Behind all that unregulated money, Swallow
won the race for Attorney General.
The greatly increased use of
vast sums of unregulated money to influence political campaigns is a result of
the decision of the Supreme Court in the Citizens United
case in 2010, which reversed Congressional restrictions on funding on political
campaigns and has since allowed unlimited contributions from individuals,
corporations and unions collected by “super PACs”. That decision was made by a
5-4 majority of the most conservative Supreme Court justices.
After Swallow’s victory, the
IRS began to suspect that some of the support for Swallow came from illegal
political campaigning by “social welfare organizations” created by payday
lenders’ money. But the IRS became engulfed in controversy when Congressional
Republicans accused it of targeting conservative organizations. We have since
learned that many types of organizations, not only conservative ones, had been
targeted by IRS investigations into whether they were illegally engaging in
political activities. With the IRS hobbled by Congressional inquiries, Swallow
and his helpers thought they were safe. But Utah legislators began to follow up, and found enough documents to reveal the duplicity
behind Swallow’s election. In November Swallow resigned.
A happy ending? Not yet.
Republican-controlled state legislatures in swing states are increasing their
efforts to make it harder to vote.
In Ohio, Wisconsin, North Carolina and other states, Republicans are reducing
the days that polls are open for early voting, especially on weekends,
eliminating same-day registration, making absentee voting more difficult, or
demanding proof of citizenship, such as a passport. All of these measures have
disproportionate effects on the poor, who tend to vote Democratic.
Add it all up. Republican
legislators try to prevent the government from protecting citizens from payday
vultures, use payday money to tilt elections so they can eviscerate any
possible regulations, while making it more difficult for the poor and
minorities to vote.
Maybe that’s what they mean
when they say you can’t trust government.
Steve Hochstadt
Jacksonville IL
Published in the Jacksonville
Journal-Courier, April 1, 2014
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