Republicans are having
difficulty deciding how they should think about Nazis and the Holocaust. They
deny actions they have publicly taken, propagate and then delete messages, verbally
promote and legislatively limit teaching about what the Nazis did. They seem
confused, but aren’t. Some Republicans cozy up to Nazis. Some Republicans,
often the same ones, call Democrats Nazis. Many Republicans across the country
are attacking the foundation of Holocaust teaching. These three arms of
Republican behavior around the Nazis have a single result: to trivialize the
Holocaust.
Embracing Nazis always makes
news. Carl Paladino, Republican nominee for NY Governor in 2010, Trump’s NY
campaign chair in 2016, and current House candidate, is simply the latest
fascist advocate. In a radio interview last year, which somehow did not become
public news until this month, he praised Hitler: “He would get up there screaming these epithets and these people were
just, they were hypnotized by him. I guess that’s the kind of leader we need
today. We need somebody inspirational. We need somebody that is a doer.” Paladino
combines admiration for Nazis and old-fashioned American racism: in 2016, he hoped that Barack Obama would die of mad
cow disease and suggested that Michelle Obama be “let loose in the outback of
Zimbabwe where she lives comfortably in a cave with Maxie, the gorilla.”
The overlap between
conservative Republicans and neo-Nazism has a long history. Former Nazis and
neo-Nazis were founders of the Republican Heritage Groups Council in 1969, which excluded Black and Jewish Americans.
Some Republican candidates in the 2018 elections were open Nazis, white
supremacists and/or Holocaust deniers: Vox said 5, the
Forward said 9.
Illinois Rep. Mary Miller approvingly quoted Hitler the day before the January 6 riots, and recently won
the Republican primary.
More Republicans stand next
to Nazis without themselves praising Hitler. Arizona Republican office holders
and candidates appeared at a 2021 rally organized by Matt Braynard, former director of data
and strategy for Trump’s 2020 campaign, featuring Greyson Arnold as a speaker,
who calls Nazis “the pure race” and supports the neo-Nazi group Stormfront. Idaho Lt. Gov. Janice McGeachin appeared this year at the America First Political
Action Conference, which is hosted by white nationalists who express
antisemitism and deny the Holocaust. She posed for pictures with Holocaust denier Vincent James Foxx. Georgia
Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene stood proudly next to Nazi-sympathizer Nick Fuentes
at the same conference, where he later praised Putin and Hitler.
White supremacy has become
integral to Republican messaging. A Twitter employee in 2019 argued internally
that getting rid of racist content would involve deleting Republican Party messages, including Trump’s: “on a technical level, content
from Republican politicians could get swept up by algorithms aggressively
removing white supremacist material”. Prominent Republicans who have openly
promoted the “white replacement theory” that Democrats are trying to replace
real Americans with ethnic minorities in order to win elections include Texas Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick, Wisconsin Sen. Ron Johnson, and House Republican Conference Chair Elise Stefanik. FOX’s Tucker Carlson
has been the most vocal propagator of this theory. German Nazis could not have
been so bad if our political celebrities want to take selfies with their
American cousins and parrot their racist nonsense.
It only seems contradictory
that for many Republicans, including those who happily consort with American
fascists, “Nazi” is a favorite label for politicians and government employees
they don’t like. Donald Trump, Jr., in
2018 said the Democratic Party’s 2016 platform was “awfully similar” to Nazi Party platforms. Doug Mastriano,
the Pennsylvania nominee for governor, compared Democrats’ gun control
proposals to the Nazis in 2018 and again this year. In June 2021, Pennsylvania Rep. Scott Perry said Democrats were like Nazis who want to destroy
America. Even though Trump’s most notable achievement was the development of a
vaccine, Republicans as a Party have criticized every government effort to save
lives through masks and vaccines. Colorado Rep. Lauren Boebert called government advocates of vaccinations “needle
Nazis” and “medical brownshirts” in front of a cheering CPAC crowd in July
2021. Sen. candidate Josh Mandel in Ohio in April 2021 and Ohio Rep. Warren Davidson in January 2022 compared our government’s health
policy to the Nazis. Lara Logan,
a host on Fox News Media’s streaming service, said in November that Anthony
Fauci “represents Josef Mengele”.
Marjorie Taylor Greene
denounced the media for comparing Republicans to Nazis in May 2021, then said
the Democrats were the “national socialist party”. When Nancy Pelosi announced rules in May 2021
requiring unvaccinated members of the House to wear masks on the chamber floor,
Greene said on a Christian Broadcasting Network program: “You know, we can look
back at a time in history where people were told to wear a gold star, and they
were definitely treated like second class citizens, so much so that they were
put in trains and taken to gas chambers in Nazi Germany. And this is exactly
the type of abuse that Nancy Pelosi is talking about.” After the American Jewish Congress tweeted back, “Such comparisons demean the
Holocaust”, she insisted: “I stand by all of my statements; I said nothing wrong, I think any rational Jewish
person didn’t like what happened in Nazi Germany, and any rational Jewish
person doesn’t like what’s happening with overbearing mask mandates and
overbearing vaccine policies.” She was so convinced of her imagery, she used it the next week in a tweet about one company’s vaccination policy:
“Vaccinated employees get a vaccination logo just like the Nazi’s [sic] forced
Jewish people to wear a gold star.”
Greene is not demeaning the
Holocaust. Playing with Nazis, calling her opponents Nazis, and comparing
herself to Jewish Holocaust victims all serve to diminish the Holocaust. Republicans
are attempting to remake the Holocaust into a normal political event. If
America’s doctors are like German Stormtroopers, if requiring one’s employees
or our members of Congress to follow the most obvious public health rules is
like murdering thousands of Jews and others every day for years, then the
Holocaust as a singular event has disappeared.
Weeks later Greene apologized. As one of the most public faces of the Republican Party, she had gone
one step too fast in pursuit of the Party’s goal of normalizing the Holocaust.
The Holocaust is a dangerous
subject for American conservatives, because it was the mass murder of Jews by
Christians. A few prominent Nazis espoused crackpot theories of Aryan paganism,
and Polish Catholics and Russian Orthodox Christians were also slaughtered in
vast numbers. But the murder of 6 million Jews was the culmination of centuries
of official Christian persecution. Teaching about the Holocaust should begin
with the Bible and must explain the violent antisemitism of nearly all
Christian denominations right into the 20th century. Anti-Jewish
racism was embedded in Christian European and American societies and their
legal systems in order to uphold the supremacy of white Christians. The
recognition of Christian responsibility for Western antisemitism and the
Holocaust led every Christian denomination in Western Europe and America after
1945 to repudiate centuries of their own dogma.
The wave of Republican
censorship of public school and university curricula in response to the sudden
American reckoning on race after George Floyd’s murder purports to be about
“critical race theory”. When Florida’s Board of Education banned “critical race theory” from public school
classrooms one year ago, the Board seemed to protect Holocaust education by
also banning any teaching that denies the Holocaust. But their language points
in the opposite direction. Critical race theory “distorts historical events” by
asserting “that racism is not merely the product of prejudice, but that racism
is embedded in American society and its legal systems in order to uphold the
supremacy of white persons.” The Holocaust was caused by precisely such
embedded white supremacy. And like American anti-Black racism, that white
supremacy had deep roots in official Christianity.
I have seen my students
become uncomfortable when confronted with facts about Christian persecution of
Jews and Nazi admiration
for American Jim Crow legislation in the 1930s as a model for the Nuremberg
laws. The American eugenicist Madison Grant, whose 1916 eulogy for Nordic
supremacy was entitled “The Passing of the Great Race”, was equally popular
with American segregationists and Adolf Hitler, who called the book his “bible”. They
were disturbed by the realization that German Jews, from the passage of
Nuremberg Laws in 1935 until the Nazis invaded Poland in 1939, were treated
essentially the same as African Americans here, whose racial persecution
continued unabated into the 1960s. That same knowledge frightens today’s
right-wing Christians across the Western world. The Christian nationalist
parties in Europe all seek to diminish the Holocaust, especially the role
played by Christians in their own nations: those in power in Poland and Hungary, and
those trying for power in Germany and France.
The literal wording of recent
Republican censorship laws bans education that doesn’t exist. The fake
narrative that critical race theory is taught in public schools is the basis of
this wave of legislation. A different and broader invention imperils Holocaust
education: the claim in Wisconsin’s 2021 law that it is necessary to forbid teachers from indoctrinating their
students with the idea “that one race or sex is inherently superior to another
race or sex and that an individual, by virtue of the individual’s race or sex,
bears responsibility for acts committed in the past by other individuals of the
same race or sex.” That kind of systematically damaging pedagogy was in fact
integral to American education for centuries. The long racial reckoning which
began in the 1960s demonstrated how white supremacy was written into all levels
of educational curricula. The claim that American racism is over, the
foundation of the attacks on critical race theory, ignores the continuing power
and weight of adult Americans who were subject for years to those curricula, as
I was.
Any hint that a teacher is
promoting racial or gender superiority is likely to be called out without any
help from new laws. The Republicans are not anxiously hunting for hidden
examples of white supremacy or male superiority. That’s what they promote. They
want their supporters to believe that they will reveal and defeat the teaching
that blacks are superior to whites and that women are superior to men, exactly
the kind of fake crisis that dominates the politico-cultural war.
Over years of interacting
with teachers of the Holocaust, I never heard of any who told students that
they bore “responsibility for acts committed in the past by other individuals
of the same race or sex”. Holocaust teachers do mention that this was precisely
what Christian churches had been saying for centuries about Jews. Such claims
were fundamental to murderous persecution. But inducing guilt in today’s
students is hardly useful in teaching history.
The discussions during the
Republican effort in Louisiana to ban critical race theory display how the
right-wing ideology of the Holocaust plays out at the state level. Republican
state representative Valarie Hodges sponsored a bill in 2021 to mandate Holocaust education in Louisiana. Hodges was an avid promoter of the idea
that Democrats are as bad as Nazis. She was part of the effort of conservative
Republicans in the state to require the teaching of patriotic themes in
American history and to block more teaching about America’s racial history. Hodges brought a Metairie resident to testify about
the dangers of “communism” in our government: “To put it in Holocaust terms, the
communists are now the Nazis and we are the Jews.
They are the predators. We are the prey. We need to teach this history to our
future citizens so we don’t end up like the Jews.” No Jewish organizations
testified in favor of Hodges’ bill. The executive director of the American
Historical Association, Jim Grossman, speaking for professional historians in
America, recognized the ultimate goal. “You’re saying, ‘You have to teach the
history of Holocaust, but you can’t teach the history of institutionalized,
deeply embedded racism in the United States.’”
Rep. Ray Garofalo, the head
of the Louisiana House Education Committee, sponsored a bill barring teaching
about institutional racism. He then slipped and said the right-wing truth: any
lessons about American slavery should include “the good, the bad, the ugly”. Garafalo’s other unprofessional antics made him
such an easy target, that the Republican Speaker of the House removed him as chair, and replaced him with another Republican. All the bills about
mandating and preventing subjects in Louisiana public education ultimately
failed.
The legislative history of
Republican censorship in Arizona offers similar clues about what the issues are
and what will be attempted in the future. Arizona Republicans in the state
legislature are unanimously in favor of putting an amendment
to the state’s constitution before
the voters. The bill’s lengthy section B enumerates seven varieties of fake
complaints about non-existent educational practices. The key is section A:
teachers in public schools from elementary to high school: “may not use public
monies for instruction that promotes or advocates for any form of blame or
judgment on the basis of race, ethnicity or sex”. The bill’s sponsor, Michelle
Udall, argued that, “If a teacher can’t teach [history] without placing blame
or judgment on the basis of race, they shouldn’t be teaching.” She was clear
about what she meant: it will be okay to say that a mass murder in a Buffalo
grocery story happened, but it would “not be appropriate” to say that the mass murderer was a white supremacist. Her bill would
insure that such teachers could be personally punished. Republicans in the
Arizona House and Senate unanimously voted in favor. The bill was signed into
law as part of a budget whose main item was a tax cut for better-off Arizonans.
How does one teach the
Holocaust or slavery without detailing the responsibility of particular human
groups for inhuman treatment of fellow humans of other groups based on racist
ideologies?
Conservative politicians can
count on well-funded organizations to create the local crises around curriculum that alarm enough parents to get
educators fired. Nearly 900 school districts across the country, educating one
third of all public school students in the country, were targeted by anti-CRT
efforts from September 2020 to August 2021. The most thorough study of the nationwide campaign against teaching about race concluded: “The
anti “CRT” effort is a purposeful, nationally/state interconnected, and locally
driven conflict campaign to block or restrict proactive teaching and
professional development related to race, racism, bias, and many aspects of
proactive diversity/equity/inclusion efforts in schools, while — for some —
gaining political power and control. The conflict campaign’s loudest, most
powerful voices caricature actual teaching and stoke parent anxiety in a quest
to control both schools and government.”
The real danger that
Republican curricular censorship presents to Holocaust teaching is not the
occasional eruption of stupidity, as in Southlake, Texas. Texas House Bill 3979
requires teachers to present multiple perspectives when discussing “widely debated
and currently controversial” issues. Gina Peddy, the executive director of
curriculum and instruction in the Carroll Independent School District in
Southlake, told teachers,
“Just try to remember the
concepts of 3979 . . . make sure that if you have a book on the Holocaust, that
you have one that has an opposing, that has other perspectives.” That caused a
small scandal. Despite posing for photographs with Holocaust deniers,
Republican politicians don’t yet demand that Holocaust denial become part of
the curriculum.
But when Holocaust denial
comes from within the community, from antisemitic parents, the new laws make
teaching difficult. A North Carolina teacher wrote: “My SUPERINTENDENT asked us to advise students to
‘ask your parents’ rather than insist that the Holocaust was real. We received
professional development to help us navigate this political environment safely.
Our superintendent attended and told us to advise kids to ‘ask your parents’
instead of try to show evidence to a child whose family swears the Holocaust
didn’t happen.”
New Republican laws and their
emboldened approach to white supremacy will inevitably lead to an attack on any
Holocaust teaching which goes beyond the discussion of prejudice to analyze the
power of embedded racism and Christian white supremacy.
For Republicans, teaching the
histories of America and of the Holocaust is too dangerous to allow. Those
educations cause intellectual, then social disturbance. Both explain the role
of embedded racism in Western society and the disastrous consequences. The
Holocaust is over, and Christian nationalists all over Western society have
been calling for Jews to get over it. But American racism and sexism are not.
The success of the Black Lives Matter and #MeToo movements in demonstrating the
continuing influence of male and white supremacy has frightened Christian
conservatives. They are using the inevitable discomfort of students learning
that their predecessors committed genocide to try to sanitize the history they
will learn.
The American Association of
University Professors and the American Historical Association, along with other
educational organizations, released a statement in June 2021 opposing the new rollout of bills restricting
the teaching of history. The statement
focuses entirely on “the role of racism in the history of the United States”.
Thus far, Holocaust teaching has suffered only collateral damage in the
Republican war against American history. But without trivializing Holocaust education
into anodyne lessons on intolerance, Republicans will never be able to cover up
the historical truth that critical race theory foregrounds: racism has been and
may still be embedded in American life.
Today teachers of American
history are the targets of Republican censorship. Holocaust teachers, you’re next.
Steve Hochstadt
Boston
22 June 2022